President Daniel Ortega, Nicaragua’s macho and mustachioed Sandinista commandante of the 1970s and ’80s, could claim the mantle of revolutionary “new man,” but Latin America’s feminists insist Ortega is a dirty old man. The crucial feminist critique of this position is that it addresses women’s participation and involvement only in the productive planet, and leaves the complete sphere of reproduction (childbearing and rearing—or picking not to have youngsters at all as effectively as the complete question of sexuality, specifically in terms of power relations, and the physical, emotional and oftentimes economic maintenance of the household) virtually unquestioned. In other words, it is vital to recognize the way in which class and gender interact as two interdependent aspects in determining not only women’s social position, but their prospective for political action.
Some analysts have pointed out that in Nicaragua, significantly of the revolutionary activity took spot in the reproductive, rather than productive, sphere. In other words, several of the mobilizations against the National Guard have been at the neighborhood level, rather than concentrating in factories or other workplaces. The method of “a folks in arms” that was so crucial to the Sandinista victory over the dictatorship depended on the mobilization of complete communities—and even though it is not often stated precisely as such, that of course meant the enormous participation of females, as the population was organized, barrio by barrio, against Somoza’s Guard.
Even though these statistics are really encouraging, they demonstrate that domestic tasks and responsibilities are so demanding that several females, specifically those with restricted economic resources, have a tough time keeping up with heavy political responsibilities as effectively. The number of females in the FSLN just before 1979—the time of the so-referred to as “second promotion”—was 38%, and the drop can be attributed in huge measure to this question of time and balancing perform, domestic and political duties. In spite of this, women’s participation in the FSLN and in political life in basic is greater than in other revolutionary societies where females are subject to the identical pressures.
Different studies have noted that females make up 80% of the population functioning in commerce (mostly in jobs that the Office on Females has described as public reproductive tasks—market females, food vendors, and so forth.) In addition, they are 65% of the informal sector, and 50% of these females are heads of household. The high concentration of female heads of household in the informal sector is partly due to the truth that females have a lot more handle over their time, even though they perform incredibly extended and tiring hours. A single Central American University (UCA) study on household survival techniques notes that females devote a disproportionate amount of time in reproductive tasks directly tied to the residence even when they perform full time outside the residence.
In September of this year, AMNLAE marked 10 years given that its formation as AMPRONAC. Given that 1979, AMNLAE has been capable to make the shift from an organization committed to overthrowing the dictatorship to a movement of females committed to consolidating their country’s revolution, upon which their own nicaraguan girls emancipation as females is predicated. AMNLAE has undergone some relatively substantial internal restructuring over the past numerous years, adjustments that have been institutionalized at their March 1987 basic assembly.